The Guardian (London) - March 30, 1999
Mark Steel
Not just any refugee gets on television
news. They must hold auditions.
Kurds, for example, are obviously not photogenic enough. It's
a shame,
as they've worked so hard to get the part.
According to the Turkish parliament's
own investigation, in 15 years 4,000
Kurdish villages have been destroyed by Turkish security forces,
leaving 30,000 dead, and 3 million driven from their homes. But
they don't
even get a cameo. Still, that's showbiz.
It's difficult to intervene in every
conflict, but there is something the
West can do about other humanitarian disasters. In East Timor,
where
hundreds of thousands have been slaughtered by the Indonesian
army, there
is one military strategy which might just help. They could stop
supplying the weapons.
Maybe the Foreign Office feels this
would be extremely risky, in a
mountainous area with an unpredictable climate, but surely it's
worth a
try. In Iraq, where 6,000 a month are dying as a result of sanctions,
they
could try lifting the sanctions. It may just work. If Blair and
Clinton refuse to agree, they could phone each other up, both
come on TV
wringing their hands about a grave humanitarian disaster, and
threaten to bomb themselves.
'If I refuse to listen to reason, we
have a moral duty to compel me to back
down with force,' they could say in their broadcast.
And with Turkey, they could stop being
an economic and military ally. If
only the Kurds had a better agent.
There are other clues as to whether
the West has developed a conscience
over Kosovo. As the Kosovars flee, New Labour are hammering
through legislation to restrict refugees coming to Britain. Which
could
make for some peculiar government statements . 'As the appalling
flood
of tragic refugees hits our borders, we have to stiffen our resolve
against
Serb atrocities. Mind you, how do we know they're not making the
whole thing up? Don't think you can ride in here on the back of
a cart and
get accommodation, mate.'
And what an unconvincing double act
which takes place every day, to
convince us the bombs have hit their targets. None of the ones
they show
us ever miss. Even George Robertson admitted that 60 per cent
of smart
bombs in Iraq missed their target, so surely they should occasionally
say: 'Here's the weapons factory we were aiming for. And here
goes our
cruise missile - wallop, a direct hit of a furniture store on
the other
side of the road. Never mind.'
So it's a shame that so many liberals
have proved that they're marvellous
at opposing wars, as long as they ended at least 15 years ago.
The
first world war and the Falklands they berate as a waste of life,
but this
time it is a just war, they plead, just as their counterparts
did in
1914 and 1982.
Their argument is that we have to do
something, which is true. But cheering
on a military machine designed for carving up the planet is a
worse abdication than doing nothing. It's like arriving at a burning
house
with no water, and screaming: 'Well chuck petrol on it then, at
least
it's something.'The first week has not only failed to save anyone,
but
appears to have speeded up the Serb butchery. So now the allies
sound
like a parent who's been smacking a naughty child to no effect.
'Right,'
they say, 'well if you still won't stop, we'll, well, we'll, I'm
warning
you, you're really for it.'
The most tragic aspect of the cruise
missile liberals is that they assume
every Serb is a supporter of the Milosevic atrocities. Yet only
two
years ago mass demonstrations in Belgrade came close to overthrowing
him.
Now the most courageous opponents of his tyranny are in air-raid
shelters.
As a result, 'the air offensive has
reinforced Milosevic tremendously',
said a Serb dissident, quoted in this paper. 'I've been working
for 10
years against Milosevic. Democracy and the opposition was growing
very
slowly. But after the Nato air strikes we were crushed,' said
a peace
campaigner. Every report tells the same story. Like any ruler,
Milosevic
takes the strength of opposition into account before acting. As
that
opposition has vanished, he's been able to be more brutal than
ever.
Similarly in the West, our rulers' ability to carve out their
own
murderous world order depends on the strength of opposition to
their
hypocrisy and wars.
So those who back the Nato action make
it more likely that the screams of
helpless refugees will go on, in Kurdistan and East Timor, while
Tony Benn and those currently accused of not caring state their
case. And
the Kosovars will be dumped by the West as mercilessly as the
Iraqi
Kurds were after the Gulf War.
At which point a batch of liberals may
well realise they've been duped
again. 'How could we be so daft,' they'll say. 'But this time,
against the
Estonians, well we have to do something.